ᔥ Wall Street Journal
Pinkos don’t get stopping crime. They like to think that everyone is a victim, even the bad bastards. Don’t believe me just ask Chester Borrows who is as wet as a monsoon and thinks that violent offenders are victims too.
Now in New York the pinkos are on the move against the very tactics that have helped drive down crime rates:
New York’s previously unimaginable status as America’s safest big city is now in jeopardy thanks to a rising campaign against its proactive style of policing. In 1994 the New York Police Department, led then by Commissioner William Bratton, embraced the revolutionary concept that the police could actually prevent crime, not just respond to it after the fact.
The department began analyzing victim reports daily to target resources to where crime patterns were emerging. Top brass held commanders accountable for the safety of their precincts. And officers were expected to intervene when they observed someone acting suspiciously—maybe asking the person a few questions, perhaps frisking him if legally justified. In so doing, they sent the message in violence-plagued areas that law and order was still in effect.
Such proactive stops (or “stop-and-frisks”) have averted countless crimes. But a chorus of critics, led by the New York Times, charges that the NYPD’s policy is racist because the majority of those stopped are black and Hispanic. Every declared Democratic candidate for mayor in 2013 has vowed to eliminate stop-and-frisks or significantly reduce them. A federal judge overseeing a class-action lawsuit against the NYPD has already announced her conviction that the department’s stop practices are unconstitutional, the prelude to putting the department under judicial control.
Omitted from these critics’ complaints is any recognition of the demographics of crime. Blacks were 62% of the city’s murder victims in 2011, even though they are only 23% of the population. They also made up a disproportionate share of criminals, committing 80% of all shootings, nearly 70% of all robberies and 66% of all violent crime, according to crime reports filed with the NYPD by victims and witnesses, usually minorities themselves.
Whites, by contrast, committed a little over 1% of all shootings, less than 5% of all robberies, and 5% of all violent crime in 2011, even though they are 35% of New York City’s population. Given where crime is happening, the police cannot target their resources where they’re needed without producing racially disparate stops and arrests.
Critics also contend, among other charges, that the absolute number of stops—680,000—is too high and demonstrates illegality. But there were nearly 900,000 arrests and summons last year under the far more exacting standard of probable cause. It is not surprising that a police force of 35,000 witnessed 680,000 instances of reasonably suspicious behavior among New York’s 8.5 million residents. If 25,000 officers in enforcement commands made just one stop a week, there would be over a million stops a year.