That’s why they are so good at marching backwards

I was reading an article about the downfall of the leftists in Argentina and the mad socialist bint leading them, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, when I came across this quote about Argentina.

“The thing you have to remember about Argentines,” a former Chilean government minister once cautioned me, “is that they aren’t like other Latin Americans. They’re Italians who speak Spanish, but dream in French.”

And that more than anything else explains why Argentines became one of the best armies in the world at marching backwards…they learned by copying the cheese eating surrender monkeys.

Right enough hilarity…the rest of the article is about the collapse of socialism in South America.

Regionally, the collapse of Kirchnerism represents both a sign of the public’s dissatisfaction with the 21st century socialist model espoused by Kirchner and her regional allies, and a potential catalyst for further weakening of South America’s socialist status quo. Whether this weakening really comes to pass will depend on how closely Macri the president mirrors Macri the candidate. Should he continue to speak out against violations of human rights and civic freedoms in countries like Venezuela and Ecuador, as he has done, this will do much to undermine a shameful legacy of silence that has deeply damaged the region’s democratic norms.  

For much of the tumultuous twentieth century, socialism was a widespread and deeply admired ideology in Latin America. But it actually ruled only in cordoned-off Cuba, and within the autonomous fiefs of armed guerillas in places like Mexico, Colombia and Peru. Where the left did attain political control on a national scale, as in Allende’s Chile or Árbenz’s Guatemala, national armies, sometimes with tacit (or less-than tacit) support from the United States, would often intervene to oust them.

This changed with the election of Hugo Chávez to the Venezuelan presidency in 1998. His meteoric rise helped inspire the revolutionary democratic movements — allied to and influenced by chavismo to varying degrees — that came to power in much of the region. South America’s presidential palaces soon became the nearly exclusive purview of the left: first in Chile, then Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador and beyond, in what came to be known as the “pink tide.” At its high-water mark, around 2009, every major South American government save Colombia was left-wing and populist.

Today, that tide is unmistakably receding. Cuba has entered détente with the United States while actively seeking international investment more aggressively than ever before. The guerrilla movements are fading (as in Peru) or suing for peace (as in Colombia). The charismatic old guard has either died off, like Chávez and Nestor Kirchner, or else formally stepped aside, like Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Their heirs of these leaders are struggling to retain popular support. And epic corruption scandals haven’t helped. A campaign contribution investigation in Chile led President Bachelet to sack her entire cabinet in May. The Lava Jato scandal in Brazil has hamstrung both the national oil company and the national economy. And, of course, the January murder of Special Prosecutor Nisman has caused a furor in Kirchner’s own Argentina.

Years of fiscal irresponsibility during last decade’s commodity boom are now making themselves felt.South America’s economies are sputtering (if not shrinking outright), and governments are struggling to control inflation and unemployment. Economic necessity has forced many of them to attempt reforms and reduce spending, fueling perceptions that they kowtow to Wall Street in a decidedly un-revolutionary manner, and costing them much of their public support. Today only Bolivia’s popular revolution, boosted by demographic support for its first indigenous president, remains truly popular. The rest of South America’s leftists are mostly languishing in the 20-30 percent range of approval (significantly less in the case of Brazil’s Dilma Rousseff, who is under threat of impeachment.)

Macri’s victory will only exacerbate their problems.

Because eventually, under socialism, you run out of other people’s money to spend. That is a lesson the socialists have so far failed to learn.

 

– Foreign Policy


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As much at home writing editorials as being the subject of them, Cam has won awards, including the Canon Media Award for his work on the Len Brown/Bevan Chuang story. When he’s not creating the news, he tends to be in it, with protagonists using the courts, media and social media to deliver financial as well as death threats.

They say that news is something that someone, somewhere, wants kept quiet. Cam Slater doesn’t do quiet and, as a result, he is a polarising, controversial but highly effective journalist who takes no prisoners.

He is fearless in his pursuit of a story.

Love him or loathe him, you can’t ignore him.

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